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Kuhl, P. , and Meltzoff, A. N. (1997). Evolution, nativism and learning in the development of language and speech. In M. ), The inheritance and innateness of grammars (pp. 7–44). New York: Oxford University Press. , and Jackendoff, R. (1993). ‘‘What’’ and ‘‘where’’ in spatial language and spatial cognition. Behavioral and Brain Sciences, 16, 217–238. , and Roberts, J. (1956). The language of experience: A study in methodology. Memoir 13. Indiana University Publications in Anthropology and Linguistics.

So if the Fodor, Pinker, or Gleitman story is correct anywhere, it should be so here: spatial categories in language should be direct projections of shared innate conceptual categories. But it turns out that there is not the slightest bit of evidence for this. We may take a few simple examples of spatial concepts where universal agreement on spatial categories has been expected. Let us start with deixis, often presumed universal in all essentials. It has been supposed that all languages have demonstratives that make at least a contrast between ‘this’ and ‘that’, but even spoken German seems to falsify that (some German dialects arguably have no demonstratives at all, but only articles).

Having representations for talking instead could be one factor that streamlines our skill in retrieving and organizing just those grammatical elements we need when we plan and then produce an utterance. And this would imply that we call on other, more elaborated (or simply different) representations for other purposes. In fact, even for language, we probably draw on multiple representations. First, as we listen to someone speaking, we need to be able to recognize the words and expressions from the acoustic information we perceive.

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