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By Lyn Schumaker

Africanizing Anthropology tells the tale of the anthropological fieldwork headquartered on the Rhodes-Livingstone Institute in Northern Rhodesia (now Zambia) in the course of the mid-twentieth century. targeting collaborative techniques instead of at the task of person researchers, Lyn Schumaker provides the assistants and informants of anthropologists a relevant position within the making of anthropological knowledge.Schumaker indicates how neighborhood stipulations and native principles approximately tradition and historical past, in addition to past adventure of outsiders’ curiosity, form neighborhood people’s responses to anthropological fieldwork and support them, in flip, to persuade the development of data approximately their societies and lives. Bringing to the fore quite a lot of actors—missionaries, directors, settlers, the households of anthropologists—Schumaker emphasizes the day-by-day practices of researchers, demonstrating how those are as centrally implicated within the making of anthropological knowlege because the discipline’s equipment. opting for a favourite staff of anthropologists—The Manchester School—she finds how they completed the advances in concept and procedure that made them well-known within the Fifties and 1960s.This publication makes vital contributions to anthropology, African historical past, and the heritage of technological know-how.

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Additional resources for Africanizing Anthropology: Fieldwork, Networks, and the Making of Cultural Knowledge in Central Africa

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He further claimed that the complaints of shopkeepers led to Gluckman being asked to leave Zululand. Whether or not the latter was true, his claim says a great deal about the larger context of South African racial politics. Like his 46 Africanizing Anthropology description of himself in ‘‘Analysis,’’ Gluckman in Nongoma moved among different groups, white and black, in a culturally complex field where no simple identification with Africans was possible— where neither the Africans nor the Europeans constituted a homogeneous group.

Most of the people associated with the rli, however, shared a social network at the headquarters in Livingstone or in Broken Hill where Wilson did his fieldwork or in Mongu, the administrative capital of Barotseland where Gluck- 40 Africanizing Anthropology man did his work. When the Wilsons, Clarks, and Gluckmans lived in Livingstone, three anthropologists and an archeologist shared this setting, but for much of the time Gluckman was away doing fieldwork in Barotseland and Wilson was away doing fieldwork in Broken Hill north of Lusaka, both a considerable distance from Livingstone.

These issues are discussed in chapter 7, on the rli research assistants’ teams. Genealogies and Generations One of the goals of this book is to produce a field history of the rli anthropologists. To do this, I have found it necessary to depart from a theory-focused discussion of their work, centered on their articles and monographs and their relation to previous and subsequent work within the discipline. Several fine articles have been written about the Manchester School and its characteristic theories, placing them more generally in the history of anthropological work and relating each anthropologist’s ideas to the theories of their teachers, disciples, and rivals.

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